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    題名: 兩岸建構軍事互信之研究-以中共撤除飛彈與我國兵力精簡為例
    其他題名: Reserarch on Cross-strait Military Mutual Trust Construction--To PLA Remove missiles and Taiwan Troops Streamline Case
    作者: 黃明章
    Huang, Ming-Chang
    貢獻者: 國際事務與企業學系亞太研究碩士班
    楊仕樂
    Shih-Yueh Yang
    關鍵詞: 兵力需求;撤除飛彈;軍事戰略;軍事互信
    the removal of missiles;military strategy;military mutual trust;troops demand
    日期: 2015
    上傳時間: 2015-09-10 15:48:21 (UTC+8)
    摘要:   兩岸自1949年分治迄今已有66年,期間分別歷經武力對抗、意識型態對抗與交流互動等過程,我國在面對國際環境變遷並屈就於政治現實之下,軍事戰略構想亦從「反攻大陸」、「攻守一體」、「守勢作戰」逐次調整為「防衛固守、有效嚇阻」;相對於中國大陸自 1978年改革開放以來,隨經濟的快速發展,綜合國力不斷提升,在龐大國防預算的挹注下,軍事力量大幅提升,直接威脅我國生存發展空間,其中又以部署於東南沿海的彈道飛彈為最。  兩岸關係的緊張與緩和,似乎反應在我國內部兩大政黨的政治分歧上,目前,中共仍未放棄以武力犯台,然而「軍事互信」的建立確露出曙光,畢竟經過二次政黨輪替之後,無論以「軍事演習」或「飛彈試射」威嚇臺灣,只會讓臺灣人民感到厭煩,對於北京當局意圖達成「和平統一」、「一國兩制」的戰略目標,只會越走越遠,因此,近年來發現中共在對臺政策運用上,似乎已相對務實且較具彈性。  為因應現代化戰爭需要與中共武力犯臺威脅,我國自1997年開始陸續實施兵力結構調整,期望建立一支「量小」、「質精」、「戰力強」的武裝力量,軍事組織再造有助於消除軍備競逐的疑慮,亦符合臺灣海島防衛作戰需求,戰時若解放軍以飛彈對我飽和攻擊,則可提升戰場存活率,增加中共三棲進犯可能付出的代價與顧慮,確實有助於臺海和平穩定的發展。  兩岸藉「擱置主權爭議」已有良性的互動以及全新的發展,是否有可能在我國「兵力精簡」之下,達成中共「撤除飛彈」的意願,進而建立「軍事互信」化解敵對狀態,相信任何有助於國家安全長治久安的政策,均考驗未來政治領袖的智慧,也為本論文研究的重點。
      From 1949 til now, R.O.C. and P.R.C. have been separated for around 66 years. Within those times, they’ve been through army confrontation, ideology conflict, and eventually mutual communication. Under the stress of international environment change and domestic political reality pressure, Taiwan military strategic structure has shifted from “ Offense to Mainland China “unto “Defensive warfare” and now “stabilize stronghold ;utilize efficient threat tactics”.  On the other hand, China, since the economic revolution of 1978,has greatly accelerated economically, along with its cumulative productive strength as a whole. Cushioned by a vast national expense, China’s military power has increased so much to the extent that the welfare and expansion space of our homeland has been directly jeopardized; specifically, the employment of missiles along the southeast coast.  The tension and neutralization between R.O.C. and P.R.C. seems to reflect amongst my homeland’s D.P.P. political divergence. Currently, C.C.P. shows no sign of giving the idea of invading Taiwan with firepower, but the formation of the “Military trust structure ,” however , is starting to show positive signs. Due to two rounds of political party exchange, Taiwanese citizens have already grown tired of “ military maneuvers “ of Missile firing tests” and treats like such. The mindset of Taiwanese general public has only been straying further and further from the Peking Authority’s ideal of “ Peacefully conquering “ and “ One country; Two Parties.” So as of recently, C.C.P. seems to be more realistic and flexible about the utilization of Taiwanese policies.  Due to the modern warfare circumstances, Taiwan has been adjusting its military structure since 1997, in hope of creating “compact “Elite,” &”Sturdy” armed forces. Military authorities are rebuilding tactics beneficial to the decimation of military competition anxiety *(between Taiwan & China), made suitable according to Taiwan Island Defense’s war strategies.  In war, if C.C.P. fires missiles upon us, we will have greater chances of survival due to this reorganization of warfare strategies, simultaneously increasing the price C.C.P will pay.  This will thus benefit the peaceful progression between the Taiwan straits. Whether or not R.O.C. & P.R.C. using the idea of “setting aside sovereign dispute” will arrive at compromise of “ Detach missiles” under my homeland’s “compact elite forces”, forming a “ Military Trust Structure/Bond” that which dissolves the rivalrous tension and put faith in strategies that are favorable in the long run of our countries with knowledgeable leaders, is the core of this essay.
    顯示於類別:[國際事務與企業學系(亞太研究碩士班,公共政策研究碩士班,歐洲研究碩士班)] 博碩士論文-亞太研究碩士班

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