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請使用永久網址來引用或連結此文件:
http://nhuir.nhu.edu.tw/handle/987654321/21194
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| 題名: | 地方史使用與社區共同體建構：以新港的文化再現為例 |
| 其他題名: | The Use of Local History and the Construction of Community: the Cultural Representation of Hsinkang as an example |
| 作者: | 林群桓
Lin, Chun-huan |
| 貢獻者: | 亞太研究所
蔡源林
Yan-lin Tsai |
| 關鍵詞: | 社區總體營造;文化再現;文化霸權;新港史;民族主義;歷史編纂;市民社會論述
cultural hegemony;Hisnkang History;historiography;nationalism |
| 日期: | 2003 |
| 上傳時間: | 2015-05-28 17:18:13 (UTC+8) |
| 摘要: | 1980年代後期的台灣社會充滿著抗爭，引發強烈的集體焦慮感，政府也苦於尋求解決方法。1984年，文建會提出社區總體營造政策，該政策相信，可以透過重建一種前現代社區意識來解決社會的混亂。另外一方面，社造政策又加入一種新的文化形式----文化觀光，它被假定可以減低台灣加入WTO之後對農業所造成的衝擊。一個前現代社區之理想加上文化產業，構成一幅社造的「公民社會」圖像。 新港就是一個社造的著名範例。在國家的支持下，完成了不少吸引人的文化措施，由國家支助的文化嘉年華會又極為多采多姿。在媒體頻繁的再現中，新港成為一個典範社區。文化再現在新港的地方文化建構中佔據主要地位。地方史使用佔據這些文化再現的核心位置，一方面做為地方文化的主要內容，另一方面又做為社區動員的符號。反諷的是，新港歷史的定版儘管已廣為流傳並深為地方各界所關切，其部分內容卻是虛構的。經過一段時間重新檢視歷史文獻之後，我對新港史定版提出質疑，卻被視為背叛的行徑，這個事件構成我論文的主題----為何地方史不能被質疑，以及公開討論？ 追溯新港歷史論述的軌跡，我發現其所根據的文本是頗不連續的。正是這種不連續性揭露了新港史編纂是由殘餘文化霸權----中華文化復興運動之民族主義意識型態----所導引，這可由新港史的出現時間和中華文化復興運動相吻合，以及二者的主題大致相同等現象，見出端倪。自從19世紀以來，民族主義就是國家藉以培養集體連帶的主要工具，並且已滲透到地方文化建構之中。相對地，對民族主義之歷史編纂進行探究卻會妨礙由國家所細心培養的集體連帶。 在此，社造中的「大家來寫村史」之承諾是落空的。然則，歷史不應當只是社造中的商品，它可以是瞭解並探究自己社會的最佳工具，然則，要達到這樣的目標之前，我們得先「去學化」(unlearn)國家長期在我們心靈中所烙印的主導模式，而這將得花上好長的時間。
Taiwan society in the latter half of 80s was filled with struggles, which brought about intense collective anxiety, and the government was seeking the resolution. In 1984, the project of Community Renaissance (CR) was proposed by Cultural Construction Association of Kuomintang government. It was assumed that the social disorder would be dissolved by rebuilding the sense of community in a pre-modern model. In the other hand, a new program was added to CR-- cultural sightseeing, which would reduced the negative effect to Taiwan's agriculture after joining WTO. The ideal of pre-modern community in combination with the tool of culture industry made up an image of ＂civil society＂ according to CR. Hsinkang is a famous example of CR, cultural attractions were accomplished and cultural festivals were impressive in aid of state support. Hence Hsinkang has been represented as a model community by media frequently. Cultural representation acted as a key element in Hsinkang's construction of culture. The use of local history constituted the major aspect of the representation, both as the content of local culture and as the symbol of mobilization. Ironically, the present version of Hsinkang History ( I use ＂History＂ to express the dominant edition of Hisnkang's history) is fictive though having been widely circulated and deeply concerned. I questioned its historical authenticity after having re-examined historical documents for a long period and was regared as betrayal. This event consisted into the very theme of my thesis--why local history cannot be questioned and openly discussed? Tracing the discourses of Hsinkang History, I find the texts are quite discontinuous. That is the discontinuity revealing that its historiography was guided by residual cultural hegemony in the nationalist ideology of Renaissance of Chinese Culture (RCC) during 1950s and 1960s, since the emergence of Hingkang History was coincident with RCC and the motifs of both were the same. From 19 century on, nationalism has provided the best means to cultivate collective solidatory for the state and has permeated the construction of local culture. In contrast, inquiry into the nationalist historiography would harm the solidatory that the state had scrupulously cultivated. However, the promise of ＂Write the Histories of Our Villages on Ourselves＂ in CR comes to naught. History is more than a commodity like that in CR, it may be the best means for us to realize our society. But it will take a long while to unlearn the dominant patterns of our mind that has long cultived by the state. |
| 顯示於類別: | [國際事務與企業學系(亞太研究碩士班,公共政策研究碩士班,歐洲研究碩士班)] 博碩士論文-亞太研究碩士班
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